Remarks Before the National Convention Upon Accepting the Nomination
August 27, 1964
Chairman McCormack, my fellow Americans:
I accept your nomination.
I accept the duty of leading this party to victory this year.
And I thank you, I thank you from the bottom of my heart for placing at my side the man that last night you so wisely selected to be the next Vice President of the United States.
I know I speak for each of you and all of you when I say he proved himself tonight in that great acceptance speech. And I speak for both of us when I tell you that from Monday on he is going to be available for such speeches in all 50 States!
We will try to lead you as we were led by that great champion of freedom, the man from Independence, Harry S. Truman.
But the gladness of this high occasion cannot mask the sorrow which shares our hearts. So let us here tonight, each of us, all of us, rededicate ourselves to keeping burning the golden torch of promise which John Fitzgerald Kennedy set aflame.
And let none of us stop to rest until we have written into the law of the land all the suggestions that made up the John Fitzgerald Kennedy program. And then let us continue to supplement that program with the kind of laws that he would have us write.
Tonight we offer ourselves--on our record and by our platform--as a party for all Americans, an all-American party for all Americans. This prosperous people, this land of reasonable men, has no place for petty partisanship or peevish prejudice. The needs of all can never be met by parties of the few. The needs of all cannot be met by a business party or a labor party, not by a war party or a peace party, not by a southern party or a northern party.
Our deeds will meet our needs only if we are served by a party which serves all our people.
We are members together of such a party, the Democratic Party of 1964.
We have written a proud record of accomplishments for all Americans.
If any ask what we have done, just let them look at what we promised to do. For those promises have become our deeds. And the promises of tonight I can assure you will become the deeds of tomorrow.
We are in the midst of the largest and the longest period of peacetime prosperity in our history. And almost every American listening to us tonight has seen the results in his own life.
But prosperity for most has not brought prosperity to all. And those who have received the bounty of this land--who sit tonight secure in affluence and safe in power--must not now turn from the needs of their neighbors.
Our party and our Nation will continue to extend the hand of compassion and the hand of affection and love to the old and the sick and the hungry. For who among us dares to betray the command: "Thou shalt open thine hand--unto thy brother, to thy poor, and to thy needy, in thy land."
The needs that we seek to fill, the hopes that we seek to realize, are not our needs, our hopes alone. They are the needs and hopes of most of the people.
Most Americans want medical care for older citizens. And so do I.
Most Americans want fair and stable prices and decent incomes for our farmers. And so do I.
Most Americans want a decent home in a decent neighborhood for all. And so do I.
Most Americans want an education for every child to the limit of his ability. And so do I.
Most Americans want a job for every man who wants to work. And so do I.
Most Americans want victory in our war against poverty. And so do I.
Most Americans want continually expanding and growing prosperity. And so do I.
These are your goals. These are our goals. These are the goals and will be the achievements of the Democratic Party. These are the goals of this great, rich Nation. These are the goals toward which I will lead, if the American people choose to follow.
For 30 years, year by year, step by step, vote by vote, men of both parties have built a solid foundation for our present prosperity. Too many have worked too long and too hard to see this threatened now by policies which promise to undo all that we have done together over all these years.
I believe most of the men and women in this hall tonight, and I believe most Americans, understand that to reach our goals in our own land, we must work for peace among all lands.
America's cause is still the cause of all mankind.
Over the last 4 years the world has begun to respond to a simple American belief: the belief that strength and courage and responsibility are the keys to peace.
Since 1961, under the leadership of that great President, John F. Kennedy, we have carried out the greatest peacetime buildup of national strength of any nation at any time in the history of the world.
I report tonight that we have spent $30 billion more on preparing this Nation in the
4 years of the Kennedy administration than would have been spent if we had followed the appropriations of the last year of the previous administration.
I report tonight as President of the United States and as Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces on the strength of your country, and I tell you that it is greater than any adversary. I assure you that it is greater than the combined might of all the nations, in all the wars, in all the history of this planet. And I report our superiority is growing.
Weapons do not make peace. Men make peace. And peace comes not through strength alone, but through wisdom and patience and restraint.
And these qualities under the leadership of President Kennedy brought a treaty banning nuclear tests in the atmosphere. And a hundred other nations in the world joined us.
Other agreements were reached and other steps were taken. And their single guide was to lessen the danger to men without increasing the danger to freedom.
Their single purpose was peace in the world.
And as a result of these policies, the world tonight knows where we stand and our allies know where we stand, too. And our adversaries have learned again that we will never waver in the defense of freedom.
The true courage of this nuclear age lies in the quest for peace.
There is no place in today's world for weakness. But there is also no place in today's world for recklessness. We cannot act rashly with the nuclear weapons that could destroy us all. The only course is to press with all our mind and all our will to make sure, doubly sure, that these weapons are never really used at all.
This is a dangerous and a difficult world in which we live tonight. I promise no easy answers. But I do promise this. I pledge the firmness to defend freedom, the strength to support that firmness, and a constant, patient effort to move the world toward peace instead of war.
And here at home one of our greatest responsibilities is to assure fair play for all of our people.
Every American has the right to be treated as a person. He should be able to find a job. He should be able to educate his children, he should be able to vote in elections and he should be judged on his merits as a person.
Well, this is the fixed policy and the fixed determination of the Democratic Party and the United States of America.
So long as I am your President I intend to carry out what the Constitution demands--and justice requires--equal justice under law for all Americans.
We cannot and we will not allow this great purpose to be endangered by reckless acts of violence. Those who break the law--those who create disorder--whether in the North or the South--must be caught and must be brought to justice.
And I believe that every man and woman in this room tonight join me in saying that in every part of this country the law must be respected and violence must be stopped.
And wherever a local officer seeks help or Federal law is broken, I have pledged and I will use the full resources of the Federal Government.
Let no one tell you that he can hold back progress and at the same time keep the peace. This is a false and empty promise. To stand in the way of orderly progress is to encourage violence.
And I say tonight to those who wish us well--and to those who wish us ill--the growing forces in this country are the forces of common human decency, and not the forces of bigotry and fear and smear.
Our problems are many and are great. But our opportunities are even greater.
And let me make this clear. I ask the American people for a mandate--not to preside over a finished program--not just to keep things going, I ask the American people for a mandate to begin.
This Nation--this generation--in this hour, has man's first chance to build the Great Society--a place where the meaning of man's life matches the marvels of man's labor.
We seek a nation where every man can find reward in work and satisfaction in the use of his talents. We seek a nation where every man can seek knowledge, and touch beauty, and rejoice in the closeness of family and community.
We seek a nation where every man can, in the words of our oldest promise, follow the pursuit of happiness--not just security--but achievements and excellence and fulfillment of the spirit.
So let us join together in this great task.
Will you join me tonight in rebuilding our cities to make them a decent place for our children to live in?
Will you join me tonight in starting a program that will protect the beauty of our land and the air that we breathe?
Won't you join me tonight in starting a program that will give every child education of the highest quality that he can take?
So let us join together in giving every American the fullest life which he can hope for. For the ultimate test of our civilization, the ultimate test of our faithfulness to our past, is not in our goods and is not in our guns. It is in the quality--the quality of our people's lives and in the men and women that we produce.
This goal can be ours. We have the resources; we have the knowledge. But tonight we must seek the courage.
Because tonight the contest is the same that we have faced at every turning point in history. It is not between liberals and conservatives, it is not between party and party, or platform and platform. It is between courage and timidity. It is between those who have vision and those who see what can be, and those who want only to maintain the status quo. It is between those who welcome the future and those who turn away from its promises.
This is the true cause of freedom. The man who is hungry, who cannot find work or educate his children, who is bowed by want--that man is not fully free.
For more than 30 years, from social security to the war against poverty, we have diligently worked to enlarge the freedom of man. And as a result, Americans tonight are freer to live as they want to live, to pursue their ambitions, to meet their desires, to raise their families than at any time in all of our glorious history.
And every American knows in his heart that this is right.
I am determined in all the time that is mine to use all the talents that I have for bringing this great, lovable land, this great Nation of ours, together--together in greater unity in pursuit of this common purpose. I truly believe that we someday will see an America that knows no North or South, no East or West--an America that is undivided by creed or color, and untorn by suspicion or strife.
The Founding Fathers dreamed America before it was. The pioneers dreamed of great cities on the wilderness that they crossed.
Our tomorrow is on its way. It can be a shape of darkness or it can be a thing of beauty. The choice is ours, it is yours, for it will be the dream that we dare to dream.
I know what kind of a dream Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman and John F. Kennedy would dream if they were here tonight.
And I think that I know what kind of a dream you want to dream.
Tonight we of the Democratic Party confidently go before the people offering answers, not retreat; offering unity, not division; offering hope, not fear or smear.
We do offer the people a choice, a choice of continuing on the courageous and the compassionate course that has made this Nation the strongest and the freest and the most prosperous and the most peaceful nation in the history of mankind.
To those who have sought to divide us they have only helped to unite us.
To those who would provoke us we have turned the other cheek.
So as we conclude our labors, let us tomorrow turn to our new task. Let us be on our way!
NOTE: The President spoke in late evening at the Democratic National Convention in Convention Hall at Atlantic City, N.J. In his opening words he referred to Speaker of the House John W. McCormack of Massachusetts, permanent chairman of the Convention.
The nomination took place on the President's 56th birthday. A birthday party in his honor was held in the ballroom at Convention Hall.
Source: Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1963-64. Volume II, entry 541, pp. 1009-1013. Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1965.
Lyndon Baines Johnson Library and Museum
Barry Goldwater 1964
July 16, 1964
ACCEPTANCE ADDRESS BY BARRY M. GOLDWATER
1964 Republican National Convention
Cow Palace, Daly City, California
Thursday, July 16, 1964
To my good friend and great Republican, Dick Nixon, and your charming wife Pat; my running mate and that wonderful Republican who has served us so well for so long, Bill Miller and his wife Stephanie; to Thruston Morton who has done such a commendable job in chairmaning this Convention; to Mr. Herbert Hoover, who I hope is watching; and to that great American and his wife, General and Mrs. Eisenhower; to my own wife, my family, and to all of my fellow Republicans here assembled, and Americans across this great Nation:
From this moment, united and determined, we will go forward together, dedicated to the ultimate and undeniable greatness of the whole man. Together, we will win.
I accept your nomination with a deep sense of humility. I accept, too, the responsibility that goes with it, and I seek your continued help and your continued guidance. My fellow Republicans, our cause is too great for a man to feel worthy of it. Our task would be too great for any man, did he not have with him the hearts and the hands of this great Republican Party, and I promise you tonight that every fiber of my being is consecrated to our cause, that nothing shall be lacking from the struggle, that can be brought to it by enthusiasm, by devotion and plain hard work. In this world no person, no party, can guarantee anything, but what we can do, and we shall do, is to deserve victory, and victory will be ours.
The good Lord raised this mighty Republic to be a home for the brave, and to flourish as the land of the free-- not to stagnate in the swampland of collectivism, not to cringe before the bullying of Communism.
Now, my fellow Americans, the tide has been running against freedom. Our people have followed false profits. We must and we shall return to proven ways -- not because they are old, but because they are true. We must, and we shall, set the tides running again in the cause of freedom. And this Party, with its every action, every word, every breath, and every heartbeat, has but a single resolve, and that is freedom, freedom made orderly for this Nation by our constitutional government; freedom under a government limited by the laws of nature, and of nature's God; freedom -- balanced so that order, lacking liberty, will not become a slavery of the prison cell; balanced so that liberty, lacking order, will not become the license of the mob and the jungle.
Now, we Americans understand freedom. We have earned it, lived for it, and died for it. This nation and its people are freedom's model in a searching world. We can be freedom's missionaries in a doubting world. But, ladies and gentlemen, first we must renew freedom's vision in our own hearts and in our own homes.
During four futile years, the Administration which we shall replace has distorted and lost that vision. It has talked and talked and talked and talked the words of freedom. Now, failures cement the wall of shame in Berlin. Failures blot the sands of shame at the Bay of Pigs. Failures mark the slow death of freedom in Laos. Failures infest the jungles of Vietnam. And failures haunt the houses of our once great alliances, and undermine the greatest bulwark ever erected by free nations -- the NATO community. Failures proclaim lost leadership, obscure purpose, weakening will, and the risk of inciting our sworn enemies to new aggressions and new excesses. Because of this Administration, we are a world divided -- we are a nation becalmed. We have lost the brisk pace of diversity and the genius of individual creativity. We are plodding at a pace set by centralized planning, red tape, rules without responsibility, and regimentation without recourse. Rather than useful jobs in our country, would your people have been offered bureaucratic "make work," rather than moral leadership. They have been given bread and circuses, spectacles, and yes they have even been given scandals. Tonight there is violence in our streets, corruption in our highest offices, aimlessness among our youth, anxiety among our elders, and there is a virtual despair among the many who look beyond material success for the inner meaning of their lives, and where examples of morality should be set, the opposite is seen. Small men, seeking great wealth or power, have too often, and too long turned even the highest levels of public service into mere personal opportunity.
Now, certainly, simple honesty is not too much to demand of men in government. We find it in most. Republicans demand it from every one. They demand it from everyone, no matter how exalted or protected his position might be. The growing menace in our country tonight, to personal safety, to life, to limb and property, in homes, in churches, on the playgrounds, and places of businesses, particularly in our great cities, is the mounting concern, or should be, of every thoughtful citizen in the United States.
Security from domestic violence, no less than from foreign aggression is the most elementary and fundamental purpose of any government, and a government that cannot fulfill their purpose is one that cannot long command the loyalty of its citizens. History shows us, demonstrates, that nothing -- nothing prepares the way for tyranny, more than the failure of public offices to keep the streets safe from bullies and marauders.
Now, we Republicans see all this as more, much more than the result of mere political differences or mere political mistakes. We see this as the result of a fundamentally and absolutely wrong view of man, his nature and his destiny.
Those who seek to live your lives for you, to take your liberties in return for relieving you of yours, those who elevate the state and downgrade the citizen, must see ultimately a world in which earthly power can be substituted for Divine Will, and this nation and this Nation was founded upon the rejection of that notion, and upon the acceptance of God as the author of freedom.
Now those who seek absolute power, even though they seek it to do what they regard as good, are simply demanding the right to enforce their own version of Heaven on earth.
And let me remind you, they are the very ones who always create the most hellish tyrannies.
Absolute power does corrupt, and those who seek it must be suspect, and must be opposed. Their mistaken course stems from false notions of equality. Ladies and Gentlemen. Equality, rightly understood, as our founding fathers understood it, leads to liberty and to the emancipation of creative differences. Wrongly understood, as it has been so tragically in our time, it leads first to conformity and then to despotism.
Fellow Republicans, it is the cause of Republicanism to resist concentrations of power -- private or public -- which enforce such conformity and inflict such despotism. It is the cause of Republicanism to insure that power remains in the hands of the people -- and so help us God, that is exactly what a Republican President will do with the help of a Republican Congress.
It is further the cause of Republicanism to restore a clear understanding of the tyranny of man over man in the world at large. It is our cause to dispel the foggy thinking, which avoids hard decisions in the dillusion that a world of conflict will somehow mysteriously resolve itself into a world of harmony, if we just don't rock the boat or irritate the forces of aggression -- and this is "hog wash."
It is further the cause of Republicanism to remind ourselves and the world, that only the strong can remain free, that only the strong can keep the peace.
Now I needn't remind you, or my fellow Americans, regardless of party, that Republicans have shouldered this hard responsibility and marched in this cause before. It was Republican leadership under Dwight Eisenhower that kept the peace, and passed along to this Administration the mightiest arsenal for defense the world has ever known.
And I needn't remind you that was the strength, and the believable will of the Eisenhower years, that kept the peace by using our strength, by using it in the Formosa Straits, and in Lebanon, and by showing it courageously, at all times.
It was during those Republican years that the thrust of Communism, imperialism was blunted. It was during those years of Republican leadership that this world moved closer not to war, but closer to peace, than at any other time in the three decades just passed.
And I needn't remind you -- but I will -- that it has been during Democratic years that our strength to deter war has stood still, and even gone into a planned decline. It has been during Democratic years that we have weakly stumbled into conflict, timidly refusing to draw our own lines against aggression, deceitfully refusing to tell even our own people of our full participation, and tragically, letting our finest men die on battlefields unmarked by purpose, unmarked by pride, or the prospect of victory.
Yesterday it was Korea. Tonight it is Vietnam. Make no bones of this. Don't try to sweep this under the rug. We are at war in Vietnam. And yet the President, who is Commander-in-Chief of our forces, refuses to say -- refuses to say, mind you, whether or not the objective over there is victory. And his Secretary of Defense continues to mislead and misinform the American people, and enough of it has gone by.
I needn't remind you, but I will; it has been during Democratic years, that a billion persons were cast into Communist captivity and their fate cynically sealed.
Today in our beloved country we have an administration which seems eager to deal with Communism coin known, from gold to wheat, from consulates to confidences, and even human freedom itself.
Now the Republican cause demands that we brand Communism as a principle disturber of peace in the world today.
Indeed, we should brand it as the only significant disturber of the peace, and we must make clear that until its goals of conquest are absolutely renounced and its relations with all nations tempered, Communism and the governments it now controls are enemies of every man on earth who is or wants to be free.
Now, we here in America can keep the peace only if we remain vigilant and only if we remain strong. Only if we keep our eyes open and keep our guard up can we prevent war.
And I want to make this abundantly clear -- I don't intend to let peace or freedom be torn from our grasp because of lack of strength, or lack of will, and that I promise you Americans.
I believe that we must look beyond the defense of freedom today to its extension tomorrow. I believe that the Communism which boasts it will bury us will instead give way to the forces of freedom.
And I can see in the distant, and yet recognizable future, the outlines of a world worthy of our dedication, our every risk, our every effort, our every sacrifice along the way. Yes, sir, a world that will redeem the suffering of those who will be liberated from tyranny. I can see and I suggest that all thoughtful men must contemplate the flowering of an Atlantic civilization, the whole of Europe unified and freed, trading openly across its borders, communicating openly across the world.
This is a goal far, far more meaningful than a moon shot.
It is a truly inspiring goal for all free men to set for themselves during the latter half of the 20th Century. I can see -- and all free men must thrill to -- the advance of this Atlantic civilization joined by its great ocean highway to the United States -- what a destiny, what a destiny can be ours to stand as a great central pillar, leading Europe, the Americas, and the venerable and vital peoples and cultures of the Pacific. I can see a day when all the Americas, North and South, will be linked in a mighty system, a system in which the errors and misunderstandings of the past will be submerged one by one in a rising tide of prosperity and interdependence. We know that the misunderstandings of centuries are not to be wiped away in a day, or wiped away in an hour, but we pledge -- we pledge that human sympathy -- what our neighbors to the South call that attitude of "sympatico" -- no less than enlightened self-interest will be our guide.
And I can see this Atlantic civilization galvanizing and guiding emergent nations everywhere.
Now I know that freedom is not the fruit of every soil. I know that our own freedom was achieved through centuries, by unremitting efforts of brave and wise men, and I know that the road to freedom is along and a challenging road, and I know also that some men may walk away from it, that some men resist challenge, accepting the false security of governmentalism.
And I pledge that the America I envision in the years ahead will extend its hand in health, in teaching and in cultivation, so that all new nations will be at least encouraged to go our way, so that they will not wander down the dark alleys of tyranny, or the dead-end streets of collectivism.
My fellow Republicans, we do no man a service by hiding freedom's light under a bushel of mistaken humility.
I seek an America proud of its past, proud of its ways, proud of its dreams, and determined actively to proclaim them. But our example to the world must, like Charity, begin at home.
In our vision of a good and decent future, free and peaceful, there must be room for deliberation of the energy and talent of the individual, otherwise our vision is blind at the outset.
We must assure a society here which, while never abandoning the needy, or forsaking the helpless, nurtures incentives and opportunities for the creative and the productive.
We must know the whole good is the product of many single contributions, and I cherish a day when our children once again will restore as heroes the sort of men and women who, unafraid and undaunted, pursue the truth, strive to cure diseases, subdue and make fruitful our natural environment, and produce the inventive engines of production, science, and technology.
This nation, whose creative people have enhanced this entire span of history, should again thrive upon the greatness of all those things which we -- we as individual citizens can and should do, and during Republican years, this again will be a nation of men and women, of families proud of their roles, jealous of their responsibilities, unlimited in their aspirations, a nation where all who can will be self-reliant.
We Republicans see in our constitutional form of government the great framework which assures the orderly but dynamic fulfillment of the whole man, and we see the whole man as the great reason for instituting orderly government in the first place. We see, in private property and in economy based upon and fostering private property, the one way to make government a durable ally of the whole man, rather than his determined enemy. We see, in the sanctity of private property, the only durable foundation for constitutional government in a free society. And beyond that, we see, in cherished diversity of ways, diversity of thoughts, of motives and accomplishments -- we don't seek to lead anyone's life for him, we only seek to secure his rights, and to guarantee him opportunity to strive, with government performing only those needed and constitutionally sanctioned tasks which could not otherwise be performed.
We Republicans seek a government that attends to its inherent responsibilities of maintaining a stable monetary and fiscal climate, encouraging a free and a competitive economy, and enforcing law and order. Thus do we seek inventiveness, diversity, and creativity, within a stable order, for we Republicans define government's role where needed at many, many levels, preferably though the one close to the people involved. Our towns and our cities, then our counties, then our states, then our regional compacts, and only then, the national government. That, let me remind you, is the ladder of liberty, built by decentralized power. On it also we must have balance between the branches of government at every level.
Balance, diversity, creativity -- these are the elements of the Republican equation. Republicans agree, Republicans agree heartily to disagree on many, many of their applications, but we have never disagreed on the basic, fundamental issues of why you and I are Republicans.
This is a Party, this Republican Party, a Party for free men, not for blind followers, and not for conformists. Back in 1858, Abraham Lincoln said this was the Republican Party -- and I quote him, because he probably could have said it during the last week or so: "It was composed of strange, discordant and even hostile elements" in 1858. Yet all of these elements agreed on one paramount objective: To arrest the progress of slavery and place it in the course of ultimate extinction. Today, as then, but more urgently and more broadly than then, the task of preserving and enlarging freedom at home and of safeguarding it from the forces of tyranny abroad, is great enough to challenge all our resources and to refire all our strength. Anyone who joins us in all sincerity, we welcome. Those who do not care for our cause, we don't expect to enter our ranks in any case. And let our Republicanism, so focused and so dedicated, not be made fuzzy and futile by unthinking and stupid labels. I would remind you that extremism, in the defense of liberty, is no vice. And let me remind you also, that moderation in the pursuit of justice is no virtue.
The beauty of the very system we Republicans are pledged to restore and revitalize, the beauty of this federal system of ours is in its reconciliation of diversity with unity. We must not see malice in honest differences of opinion, and no matter how great, so long as they are not inconsistent with the pledges we have given to each other in and through our Constitution.
Our Republican cause is not to level out the world or make its people conform to computer regimented sameness. Our Republican cause is to free our people and light the way for liberty throughout the world.
Ours is a very human cause for very humane goals. This Party, its good people and its unquenchable devotion to freedom, will not fulfill the purposes of this campaign which we launch here now until our cause has won the day, inspired the world, and shown the way to a tomorrow worthy of all our yesteryears.
I repeat, I accept your nomination with humbleness, with pride, and you and I are going to fight for the goodness of our land. Thank you.
Source: 'Acceptance Address by Barry M. Goldwater' Brochure, 1964 Republican National Committee Publication
Barry Goldwater 1964
January 3, 1964
From his home
in Phoenix, Arizona,
on January 3, 1964,
Senator Barry Goldwater
announced his candidacy
Republican Presidential nomination.
These were his words…
Ever since the last Republican convention thousands of Americans have asked me to seek the Republican presidential nomination in 1964. I withheld a decision until now, not because of any attempt to be politically coy, but because I have been giving every aspect of such a decision the most serious consideration.
Today, here at our home, in this State I love, with my family and with the people whose friendship and political interests have placed me where I am, I want to tell you this: I will seek the Republican presidential nomination. I’ve decided to do this because of the principles in which I believe and because I am convinced that millions of Americans share my belief in those principles. I decided to do this also because I have not heard from any announced Republican candidate a declaration of conscience or of political position that could possibly offer to the American people a clear choice in the next presidential election.
One of the great attributes of our American two party system has always been the reflected differences in principle. As a general rule one party has emphasized individual liberty and the other has favored the extension of government power. I’m convinced that today a majority in the Republican Party believes in the essential emphasis on individual liberty.
I’ve been spelling out my position now for 10 years in the Senate and for years before that here in my own state. I will spell it out even further in the months to come. I was once asked what kind of Republican I was. I replied that I was not a “me-too” Republican. That still holds. I will not change my beliefs to win votes. I will offer a choice, not an echo. This will not be an engagement of personalities. It will be in engagement of principles.
I’ve always stood for government that is limited and balanced and against the ever increasing concentrations of authority in Washington. I’ve always stood for individual responsibility and against regimentation. I believe we must now make a choice in this land and not continue drifting endlessly down and down for a time when all of us, our lives, our property, our hopes, and even our prayers will become just cogs in a vast government machine.
I believe that we can win victory for freedom both at home and abroad. I believe that we can be strong enough and determined enough to win those victories without war. I believe that appeasement and weakness can only bring war. I’ve asked and will continue to ask: Why Not Victory–why not victory for sound, constitutional principles and government–why not victory over the evils of communism?
I’m convinced that in this year 1964 we must face up to our conscience and make a definite choice. We must decide what sort of people we are and what sort of world we want–now and for our children.
My candidacy is pledged to a victory for principle and to presenting an opportunity for the American people to choose. Let there be a choice–right now and in clear, understandable terms. And I ask all of those who feel and believe as I do to join with me in assuring both the choice and the victory.
Source: 'Senator Goldwater Speaks Out on the Issues' Goldwater for President Committee Brochure
Nelson Rockefeller 1964
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COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
COPYRIGHT 2000-2024 - 4PRESIDENT CORPORATION/MIKE DEC PHOTOGRAPHY. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED